Pope Leo Speaks of Dialogue and Peace in Lebanon: Echoing the Ideals in the Covenants of the Prophet Muhammad

This past weekend, Pope Leo XIV visited Lebanon.  His remarks, to me, captured the grace of concern for others with which the Prophet Muhammad framed his covenants to respect and protect Christians and Jews.  I, myself, perceive a resonance between the Pope’s vision for humanity and of inter-religious dialogue and cooperation and the texts of those historic Islamic covenants, promises given in the name of Allah.

The Caux Round Table, for five years now, has done its best to study carefully, with leadership from our Muslim colleagues, the historicity of the Prophet’s covenants and to then bring the best scholarship on the covenants to wider audiences, especially in Lebanon and in the Vatican.

I quote for you here the relevant thoughts of Pope Leo:

It is in light of this authority that I wish to address to you the words of Jesus that have been chosen as the central theme of my journey: “Blessed are the peacemakers!” (Mt 5:9). …

Your resilience is an essential characteristic of authentic peacemakers, for the work of peace is indeed a continuous starting anew.  Moreover, the commitment and love for peace know no fear in the face of apparent defeat, are not daunted by disappointment, but look ahead, welcoming and embracing all situations with hope.  It takes tenacity to build peace; it takes perseverance to protect and nurture life. …

May you speak just one language, namely the language of hope that, by always starting afresh, draws everyone together.  May the desire to live and grow in unity as a people create a polyphonic voice out of each group. …

This brings us to a second characteristic of peacemakers.  Not only do they know how to start over, but they do so first and foremost along the arduous path of reconciliation.  Indeed, there are personal and collective wounds that take many years, sometimes entire generations, to heal.  If they are not treated, if we do not work, for example, to heal memories, to bring together those who have suffered wrongs and injustice, it is difficult to journey towards peace.  We would remain stuck, each imprisoned by our own pain and our own way of thinking.  The truth, on the other hand, can only be honored through encountering one another.  Each of us sees a part of the truth, knowing one aspect of it, but we cannot negate what only the other knows, what only the other sees.  Truth and reconciliation only ever grow together, whether in a family, between different communities and the various people of a country or between nations. …

At the same time, there can be no lasting reconciliation without a common goal or openness towards a future in which good prevails over the evils that have been suffered or inflicted in the past or the present.  A culture of reconciliation, therefore, does not arise only from below, from the willingness and courage of a few.  It also needs authorities and institutions that recognize the common good as superior to the particular.  The common good is more than the sum of many interests, for it draws together everyone’s goals as closely as possible, directing them in such a way that everyone will have more than if they were to move forward by themselves.  Indeed, peace is much more than a mere balance – which is always precarious – among those who live separately while under the same roof.  Peace is knowing how to live together, in communion, as reconciled people. …

Finally, I would like to outline a third characteristic of those who strive for peace.  Even when it requires sacrifice, peacemakers dare to persevere.

In remarks to a gathering of religious leaders of many faiths, Pope Leo said:

In his Post-Synodal Apostolic Exhortation Ecclesia in Medio Oriente, signed here in Beirut in 2012, Pope Benedict XVI emphasized that “[t]he Church’s universal nature and vocation require that she engage in dialogue with the members of other religions.  In the Middle East, this dialogue is based on the spiritual and historical bonds uniting Christians to Jews and Muslims. It is a dialogue which is not primarily dictated by pragmatic, political or social considerations, but by underlying theological concerns which have to do with faith” (n. 19).  Dear friends, your presence here today, in this remarkable place where minarets and church bell towers stand side by side, yet both reach skyward, testifies to the enduring faith of this land and the steadfast devotion of its people to the one God.  Here in this beloved land, may every bell toll, every adhān, every call to prayer blend into a single, soaring hymn – not only to glorify the merciful Creator of heaven and earth, but also to lift a heartfelt prayer for the divine gift of peace. …

Yet, in the midst of these struggles, a sense of hopefulness and encouragement can be found when we focus on what unites us: our common humanity and our belief in a God of love and mercy.  In an age when coexistence can seem like a distant dream, the people of Lebanon, while embracing different religions, stand as a powerful reminder that fear, distrust and prejudice do not have the final word and that unity, reconciliation and peace are possible.  It is a mission that remains unchanged throughout the history of this beloved land: to bear witness to the enduring truth that Christians, Muslims, Druze and countless others can live together and build a country united by respect and dialogue.

May we all be peacemakers.

Todd Lefko Joins Caux Round Table Board

I am very pleased to announce that Todd Lefko of St. Paul, Minnesota, has joined our board of directors.

Todd brings practical, organizing experience from politics, business acumen from managing a small trading company, insight into Russian culture and politics and a commitment to internationalism.

He has already taken a lead in application of the Caux Round Table Principles for Government and Civil Society to an effort to revitalize not only the economy, but the prowess of civil society to create and sustain social and human capitals in St Paul.

Todd is president of the International Business Development Company, an import-export firm dealing with water purification equipment, art, linen, kilns and new technologies.

He has worked in Russia for over 35 years.

He was the weekly columnist for Rossiske Vesti, the political newspaper of the Russian presidential administration for 18 years and has written over 700 articles in Rossiske Vesti and other newspapers and magazines.

Todd is on the editorial board of the Russian Historical Reporter and has been the English editor for four Russian books.

Todd is chair of East-West Connections, an international non-profit focused on citizen diplomacy.

He has taught over 4400 students at the University of Minnesota and other Minnesota colleges.

He has lectured at universities in Russia, Germany, China, Belarus, Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan.

Todd is a fellow of the Caux Round Table.

He was a member of the technical advisory committee for the Almaty Management University in Almaty, Kazakhstan.

Todd holds a B.A. in history, an M.A. in public administration and the coursework for a Ph.D. in urban history from the University of Minnesota.

He has also studied public policy as a Bush Fellow at Harvard University and urban planning at the University of Manchester, England.

He is one of the founders of Global Volunteers and has served as their treasurer and representative at the United Nations.

Todd has also been a member of the Twin Cities Metropolitan Council, the Regional Transit Board and the Minnesota Experimental City Authority.

Nemesis: Patron Goddess of Markets

Free markets have a much-overlooked moral function, perhaps their most important moral function – providing retribution for hubris – unwarranted pride, arrogance and blindness.

In Greek mythology, Nemesis stepped in to correct excessive exploitation of one’s dominion, one’s failure to align with Aristotle’s golden mean, one’s going much too far beyond the square footage of good sense and due care and concern for others.

Consider Icarus, who flew too close to the Sun and so lost his ability to fly.

Consider Narcissus, who, because of his vanity, Nemesis led to a pool where he saw his own reflection, fell in love with it, could not turn his eyes away from the floating image and eventually died alongside the water.

Free markets in crypto currency have just acted as Nemesis to investors in Bitcoin.  Here is the story from the Wall Street Journal:

The crypto market turmoil only intensified this week, with bitcoin shedding more than 10% and over $10,000 in value.  In the 24 hours leading up to Friday morning, more than $2 billion worth of leveraged crypto trades were liquidated, pushing bitcoin below $81,000, according to data from CoinGlass.  The largest cryptocurrency is now on track for its worst monthly performance since June 2022, when the collapse of crypto lender Celsius Network plunged the market into what became known as its crypto winter.

Some traders have said the drop in bitcoin may be forcing some other selling in the traditional markets, which swooned this week.

“Every group chat I’m in, everyone wants to know who blew up,” said Nic Carter, founding partner at Castle Island Ventures.  “You can’t make sense of it all now.  There’s a general malaise with no exact catalyst to say this is why.”

This was supposed to be crypto’s year.  There was a perfect storm of a crypto-loving White House, Wall Street adoption and friendly legislation that put a close to more than a decade of antagonistic U.S. regulation and prosecutions.

In a sense, it worked.  Divisions between traditional and crypto finance seemed to blur.  Portfolio managers are modeling cash flows based on the yields of stablecoins.  BlackRock and Fidelity, among many others, hoovered up bitcoins for ETFs.  Banks like Bank of New York Mellon and JPMorgan Chase wanted to put funds on the blockchain, while digital token companies like Ripple tried to become banks.

“Gateways are being opened every single day,” said President Trump’s son, Eric Trump, who has co-founded two crypto companies.  “This dam is cracking.  The two were becoming one and I think it’s very exciting.”…

“When Trump got elected, we were saying ‘gosh, finally we’re going to get all the institutions, ETF approvals, pretty much all the headlines that we dreamed of in crypto,’” said Santiago Roel Santos, a longtime crypto investor and chief executive of Inversion.  “The market just has not reacted the way that you would have thought.”

Instead, crypto continues to struggle to break free of its reputation as the deranged, foul-mouthed little sibling of Wall Street, too volatile to trust, too entertaining to look away.

Donald Trump is on YouTube saying, “I only care about one thing… will we be number one in crypto?”

Nemesis came for the Trump family too.  According to the November 19 edition of the New York Post:

Trump Media & Technology Group, the crypto and social media company controlled by members of the first family, has seen its stock price plummet to all-time lows – wiping out more than $5 billion in wealth for the Trumps as cryptocurrencies continue their slide.

Shares of Trump Media, which trades under the ticker DJT, have fallen nearly 70% this year – 34.6% of that just the past month, according to Barron’s.

The family’s holdings, which were worth nearly $6.5 billion at their peak in mid-May 2024, have lost more than $5.3 billion in value since then, according to Barron’s.

The company’s nosedive is tied to a broader meltdown in the crypto market.

Cryptocurrencies have taken a big hit since Trump Media said in August it bought $2 billion worth of Bitcoin.

Bitcoin prices on Tuesday briefly dipped below $90,000 for the first time in months – wiping out the asset’s gains for the year.

Could even the Trumps be narcissists?

If so, Nemesis awaits.

In free markets, the “others” stand in for Nemesis.

As Sartre told us: L’enfer, c’est les autres – “Hell is others.”

Other market players are not docile subordinates waiting for instructions.  They have free will and independent power.  They decide what’s best for themselves.  They need not follow the herd or succumb to trendy delusions about what the future holds.  They set prices with their decisions to buy and sell.  They can foreswear “irrational exuberance” and cause markets to crash.

This is morality in action – consequences imposed for being out of line.

The formation of monopolies and cartels attempts to drive this free-thinking morality from markets by controlling supply or demand and so setting prices.  But such collaborations, in time, also fall prey to Nemesis.  Others – innovators, creative destroyers – find workarounds to devalue what is controlled.

Pride goeth before destruction and a haughty spirit before a fall. – Proverbs 16:18

Forging a New Political Order for Vietnam after the Nguyen Phu Trong Era of Indecision: Power Realignment, Bargaining, Continuity or Innovation

The following commentary was received from a confidant of senior members of the Vietnamese Communist Party.  It provides an insightful view of challenges now facing the Party’s leadership.
The optimistic point is that there seems to be no faction striving to return to classical Marxism.

As Vietnam awaits the Communist Party’s Central Committee meeting in its 15th Plenum, the country enters a superficially subtle but actually very consequential phase of political readjustment.

NGUYEN PHONG

Far from the dramatic ruptures that have defined leadership transitions in other one-party systems, the leadership shifts in Hanoi today are quieter, more procedural, and often deliberately obscured. Yet these changes—small and cosmetic as they may appear to outsiders—are shaping the emerging architecture of centralized political power in the post–Nguyễn Phú Trọng era.  (Nguyen Phu Trong was Party General Secretary from 2011 to 2024)

Over the past decade, Trọng’s sweeping anti-corruption campaign reconfigured the upper tiers of the Vietnamese state more extensively than any political initiative since the economic reforms of the late 1980s. While the campaign succeeded in disciplining the bureaucracy and reaffirming Party primacy, it also produced an unanticipated side effect: unprecedented turnover among top officials, including the removal of: a president, a national assembly chair, and multiple Politburo members. This churning of who has authority has compelled the Party to search for a new internal equilibrium of power centers—one that preserves collective leadership and prevents any one governing entity from amassing unchecked influence.

Today, Vietnam’s political arena is best understood as a system undergoing recalibration. No single source of power—the security services, the military, the Party apparatus, or the government—dominates decisively. Each wields enough influence to constrain the others, creating a form of managed multipolarity within the elite. Consensus is no longer merely a normative ideal; it has become a structural necessity.

Within this dynamic of offsetting checks and balances, Defense Minister Phan Văn Giang has emerged as a surprisingly stabilizing figure. Soft-spoken, technically oriented, and lacking the overt ambition that characterizes several of his contemporaries, Giang represents a return to the military’s traditional ethos: discipline, continuity, and institutional restraint. In an environment unsettled by political purges, the military’s measured posture—and Giang’s embodiment of that restraint—has made him a credible bridge across factions. For those in the Party who seek predictability after years of interpersonal uncertainty, Giang offers the reassuring profile of a team building leader preserving consensus.

Yet alternative political outcomes are possible. Prime Minister Phạm Minh Chính, whose background in the public security apparatus and reputation for tactical maneuvering have long made him a central player among top Vietnamese leaders, stands at a pivotal crossroads. His survival through successive personnel reshuffles—particularly the dramatic purges of 2023–2025—signals the resilience of his networks and the ongoing relevance of his governance priorities. But Chính’s continued influence is far from assured. His trajectory up or down will depend on whether he can sustain support from a coalition that spans technocrats, regional interests, and elements of the security apparatus—groups that do not always share compatible aims.

Economic pressures add another layer of complexity to the leadership choices which now must be made by the Party. Vietnam is navigating one of the most significant strategic openings in its modern history as global firms seek alternatives to China. The country’s appeal—political stability, policy continuity, and a disciplined labor force—has drawn investment from the United States, Japan, South Korea, and Europe. The question now is whether political turbulence at the top will undermine that reputation. Investors, accustomed to Vietnam’s steady hand, are increasingly wary of bureaucratic paralysis triggered by the anti-corruption drive, which has made officials hesitant to approve projects for fear of becoming collateral damage. This “chilling effect” on economic development has become one of the most serious structural challenges facing the country’s leadership.

Institutionally, Vietnam is transitioning toward a more diffused leadership model. The era of a dominant general secretary, embodied by Trọng, is giving way to a structure where authority is more evenly distributed across the Politburo and the Regime’s leading bodies. This shift may not be formally acknowledged, but its logic is embedded in recent developments: the inclusion of the Standing Member of the Secretariat into the category of “core leaders,” the elevation of several Party technocrats, and the deliberate balancing of regional factions and institutional interests. The result is a leadership configuration that relies less on a singular authority and more on negotiated stability.

The approaching 15th Plenum is therefore significant not for any expected dramatic pronouncements, but for the signals it will send about how the Party intends to manage its internal reorganization. Personnel decisions—long the most sensitive component of Vietnam’s political process—will reveal the contours of an emerging settlement: which factions have consolidated ground, which decision-making structures have consolidated confidence, and who will shape the policy agenda presented to the 14th Party Congress. These decisions, though often couched in bureaucratic language, carry consequences far beyond the walls of Ba Đình, home to Vietnam’s leaderships. These decisions will determine not only domestic policies but also Vietnam’s broader geopolitical posture at a time of sharpening competition among great powers.

For international observers, the Party’s key challenge lies in demonstrating that internal turbulence will not compromise its strategic coherence. Vietnam’s foreign policy—anchored in “bamboo diplomacy” and calibrated to balance China and the United States—depends on a leadership that can maintain both internal consensus and external flexibility. A prolonged period of  dysfunctional factional rivalry would complicate this balancing act, particularly as external pressures increase with Washington seeking deeper security ties and Beijing asserting its claims more forcefully in the South China Sea.

Strategically, the consequences of this leadership realignment extend beyond individual appointments. They speak to the Party’s long-term capacity to adapt to the demands of a more complex economic and geopolitical environment. Vietnam is entering a developmental stage that requires 1) more agile governance, 2) more transparent policy coordination, and 3) a political elite capable of reconciling domestic discipline with global integration. The quiet negotiations now taking place preceding the 15th Plenum are thus not merely a contest for influence. They are a test of whether the Party can evolve its internal mechanisms without destabilizing the system it has long worked to preserve.

Despite the recent turbulence, Vietnam’s political machinery has shown a remarkable ability to absorb shocks without allowing them to escalate into public crises. The “tempest in a teacup”—a phrase increasingly used by insiders—captures both the intensity of internal contestation and its limited visibility to the public. Whether such managed containment of rivalry and competition can continue will determine the next chapter of Vietnam’s political development.

For now, the Party appears committed to restoring equilibrium through bargaining, adjustment, and selective compromise. If successful, Vietnam may emerge from this transitional period with a more resilient, if more complex, model of collective leadership. If not, the uncertainties that follow could challenge not only domestic governance but Vietnam’s strategic standing at a moment when regional dynamics leave little margin for error.

Personally Support the Caux Round Table’s Path-breaking Work: GIVE TO THE MAX DAY IN MINNESOTA!

 

The work of the Caux Round Table is unique and frankly, often lonely.  Our world has changed in recent decades and not for the better, it seems.

A war in Ukraine and an uneasy truce in Gaza with yet no reconciliation between Palestinians and the Jews of Israel.  We see, in the rear-view mirror, the past leadership of the United Nations in sustaining world peace, the past enthusiasm for human rights, the past confidence in globalization and its facilitation of harmonization of religions, races, peoples and nation states. The “other” is, more and more, less our neighbor or our friend and so seemingly less entitled to our respect, trust and “love.”

The Hebrew book of Proverbs notes that, “Where there is no vision, the people perish.”

Who, today, is providing vision so that peoples do not perish?

With our unique and inspired idiosyncratic study of the covenants of the Prophet Muhammad –  overlooked for 1,300 years – we try our best to step up and serve.

Our forthcoming book on Adam Smith, to mark the 250th anniversary of the publication of his Wealth of Nations, is another unique and inspired contribution to a global ethic of sustainable and trustworthy wealth creation.

We are out in front with our monthly newsletter, Pegasus, on how social and human capitals provide for good politics, just government and material well-being for all.

We are not funded by the high and the mighty, but by special people with vision and commitment to the common good.

I think you are such a person.

We are once again participating in Give to the Max here in Minnesota, which is tomorrow, Thursday, November 20, and ask for your support.

You can either donate through our GTMD page here, by mailing a check to us at 75 West Fifth Street, Suite 219, St. Paul, MN 55102 or by wire transfer (please ask for instructions).

Anything you can give would be greatly appreciated.

Thank you for being a part of our network.

More Short Videos on Relevant and Timely Topics

We recently posted a couple more short videos on relevant and timely topics.  They include:

Tariffs and the Law

Moral Capitalism vs. Democratic Socialism

All our videos can be found on our YouTube page here.  We recently put them into 9 playlists, which you can find here.

If you aren’t following us on Twitter or haven’t liked us on Facebook, please do so.  We update both platforms frequently.

Hope for Syria: New Respect for the Prophet Muhammad’s Covenant with Christians

Since the Caux Round Table begin its study of the covenants given by the Prophet Muhammad to respect and protect Christians and Jews, I have, from time to time, reported to our community insights and historical facts which have emerged in our study of those covenants and discussions of their contents and what their terms imply for our times today.

Recently, the interim president of Syria, a country long burdened with brutal repression and civil war among its citizens, met with the Greek Orthodox Patriarch John X.  The patriarch showed the president a recension of a covenant given as a work of grace by the Prophet Muhammad to Christians.  The document dates to Ottoman times.

Here is a picture of the two with the recension:

Our colleague, Ahmed El-Wakil, now at Oxford, who has contributed so much to the finding of recensions of the Prophet’s covenants and to our understanding of their terms and of the circumstances in which they were given and received, has sent me the following email about the meeting, which I wish to share with you:

On Sunday, 26 October 2025, Syria’s transitional president, Aḥmad al-Sharaa, visited Greek Orthodox Patriarch John X Yazigi at the patriarchal residence in Damascus – a gesture that carried more than diplomatic weight.  It was his first official visit to a church since taking office and it unfolded as both reassurance and reminder that Syria’s plural identity, frayed by war, still had roots deep enough to hold.

During the meeting, Patriarch Yazigi presented al-Sharaa with a copy of a manuscript of the covenant of the Prophet Muhammad housed at the Monastery of St. George al-Humayra, which promises protection and freedom of worship to Christians.  This particular document was studied by Ibrahim Zein and Ahmed El-Wakil in chapter 3 of their book, The Covenants of the Prophet Muhammad: From Shared Historical Memory to Peaceful Co-existence, who identified it as a copy of the covenant the Prophet gave to the Christians of Najran, whose text was faithfully transmitted until the Ottoman period, to which the manuscript belongs.  By invoking it, Yazigi appealed to a moral memory within Islam itself – one that links faith to justice and protection, not coercion.

Al-Sharaa responded in kind, writing in the patriarchal guest book a verse from the Qur’an describing Christians as “nearest in affection to the believers” and adding in his own words that Damascus is “the cradle of the first coexistence known to humanity.”  His inscription framed coexistence not as political rhetoric, but as a duty inherited from the city’s own past.  The moment thus echoed older gestures of mutual recognition, such as the one embodied in the Najran covenant preserved at the Monastery of St. George al-Humayra before the war.

Seen together, the patriarch’s presentation and the president’s response wove history into hope. They recalled that the idea of a just order in Syria has never rested solely on conquest or power, but on an older moral claim: that peace endures only when protection is shared.

Kind regards,
Ahmed

October Pegasus Now Available!

Here’s October Pegasus.

In this issue, we feature three essays.

First, Michael Hartoonian writes about rising cynicism and the collapse of the vital notion of human capital.

Next, Todd Lefko, the newest member of our board of directors, outlines the challenges facing the world and how our founding principles and present work could serve as an engine for dialogue and trust-building.

Lastly, Michael Wright, CEO of Intercepting Horizons, as well as one of our fellows, provides a positive take on the prospects of what he terms ethical AI.

As usual, I would be most interested in your thoughts and feedback.

Trump’s Five-Day Journey: The Quiet Earthquake in East Asia 

By Dinh Hoang Thang , Fellow the Caux Round Table for Moral Capitalism

Busan — a city that smells of salt and ocean water, once defined by tides and trade — suddenly found itself at the center of a geopolitical storm. Before arriving here, Donald Trump had stopped in Kuala Lumpur and Tokyo. Five days, three capitals (October 26–30): what seemed like a restless shuttle across Asia turned out to be a cartography of power. Did the history of East Asia just quietly turn a new page? 

I. A Journey Writting a Message 

Trump’s travels were no ordinary tour. The trip implemented a strategy , scripted in three acts: beginning in Kuala Lumpur — the symbolic heart of ASEAN; moved to Tokyo — the setting of a revived alliance; and ended in Busan — where two superpowers tested each other’s resolve.

The sequence mattered. Southeast Asia is not an audience, but part of the stage. Japan is no longer just an ally, but a co-architect of global order. And Busan — that sea-wrapped arena — became host to the acting out of raw, transactional power.

In Kuala Lumpur, ASEAN — once derided as a “talking club” — suddenly looked relevant. Small nations, through the art of flexible diplomacy, managed to engage both Washington and Beijing, bargaining for space, investment, and having a voice in an age of tightening rivalry.

In Tokyo, Prime Minister Takaichi Sanae, heir to former Prime Minister Abe’s strategic realism, met Trump to discuss supply chains, defense, and technological autonomy. The U.S.–Japan alliance is no longer built only on deterrence; it now rests on industrial and technological power — an alliance of determinative capability.

And finally, in Busan, amid jet engine thrusts and the scent of the sea, Trump and Xi met in a modest room — no red carpets, no choreographed grandeur. What unfolded was a minimalist drama of power: an interim detente, not a peace; a truce defined by interests, not ideals.

II. Japan’s New Doctrine and the Shape of a Regional Order 

Shinzo Abe planted the seeds of a “Free and Open Indo-Pacific.” Takaichi Sanae is harvesting them — with less rhetoric and more resolve. Her ambition is transparent: boost defense spending, anchor security cooperation with the U.S., and weave industrial links with India, Australia, and South Korea. This is Abe 2.0 — democratic, assertive, and determined to keep East Asia’s future from being written by Beijing.

With Trump’s pragmatic America back in play, Tokyo understands that autonomy is the new loyalty. Instead of sheltering under Washington’s security umbrella, Japan needs its own raincoat — rebuilding semiconductor industries, advancing clean energy, and reimagining its role in regional supply chains. The Abe–Takaichi doctrine turns ideals into instruments: from “rules-based order” to “capabilities-based alliances.”

III. Busan: When Two Worlds Talk in Calculus 

After months of tariff battles, tech bans, and rare-earth restrictions, both Trump and Xi needed a breather. The outcome was a temporary armistice: Washington eased some tariffs; Beijing resumed U.S. soybean imports and pledged to rein in fentanyl exports. But beneath the smiles, the calculation was cold-hearted.

Trump needed stability heading into an election year. Xi needed calm to sustain his authority at home and preserve his face internationally. Each leader stepped back a few inches — without abandoning a single trenchline.

The U.S.–China rivalry has entered a new phase: managed competition. The conflict has evolved from a trade war to a war of standards — over chips, AI, finance, and energy. Two gravitational systems now coexist: not colliding, not converging, but circling in uneasy proximity. Like twin planets in an imperfect orbit, they offset the pull of — and so limit — each other’s orbit.

IV. ASEAN Awakens: From Playing Field to Power Hub 

One quiet happening during Trump’s journey was the awakening of ASEAN. As Air Force One touched down in Kuala Lumpur, Southeast Asia ceased to be a corridor between superpowers and began to act as a hinge of strategic consequence.

ASEAN’s new realism lies in “neutral pragmatism.” Its members — Indonesia, Vietnam, the Philippines, among others — are mastering the art of balance: welcoming investment, keeping dialogue open, and leveraging great-power rivalry to augment  self-reliant autonomy.

Neutrality no longer means passivity. It’s an art of motion, not a state of immobility — the ability to maneuver between forces without being crushed. If sustained, that agility could transform ASEAN from a passive zone into a dynamic geoeconomic contributor to a multi-polar world.

V. Vietnam: From Insecure Wariness to Self-Reliant Confidence 

Vietnam stands at the confluence of two currents: commerce and security strategy. The temporary U.S.–China détente offers a breathing space — stable trade, redirected investment, supply-chain realignment — but of uncertain duration. A single tariff tweak in Washington or a military move by Beijing in the South China Sea could upend it overnight.

Vietnam’s survival strategy must therefore be double-tracked: pragmatic in action, visionary in thought.

Pragmatism means infrastructure reform, institutional modernization, human-capital investment, and advances in logistics and semiconductors — the bloodstream feeding the new global economy.

Vision means redefining “self-reliance” not through isolation, but through innovation; not by avoiding conflict, but by shaping cooperation.

“Self-reliance” today is not a slogan but a system — the ability to shift from low-cost manufacturing to high-value creation, from export dependency to endogenous value chains.

As global powers race to secure chips and critical minerals, Vietnam must secure and refine its most precious resource: people — their education, creativity, and freedom – to shape the counry’s future.

Vietnam’s strength has never been about size. It lies in self-definition — the capacity to carve a very purposeful identity and design an innovative strategy amid flux.

VI. East Asia: A Quiet Reshaping of Order 

Trump’s five-day tour did not shake the earth with thunder.  But it did trigger some quiet tectonic movements. The regional order is morphing from black-and-white confrontation to a spectrum of pragmatic competition. Japan grows firmer, South Korea more adaptive, ASEAN more flexible, and China more cautious.

This is not the collapse of an old order but the reconfiguration of one — an emerging, networked, interdependent Indo-Pacific, built less on declarations and more on interlocking actions.

The new order cannot yet neutralize Beijing’s ambitions, but it has birthed a chain reaction: middle powers linking up, industrial alliances forming, technology partnerships expanding, preventive diplomacy taking root. A soft multipolarity is emerging — not of rival empires, but of complementary capabilities.

VII. Busan: Mirror or Gateway? 

From the salty winds of Busan rises an image of contemporary East Asia — a mirror in which every nation can see itself: its possibilities, its limits. Trump’s five-day voyage did not redraw borders, but it stirred currents that may erode the old shorelines of certainty.

East Asia is entering a new phase — one of mid-sized powers asserting agency, of profitable alignments replacing rigid blocs, of competition measured not in ideology but in competence.

Vietnam, poised in the storm’s eye, has a choice: to shrink and dodge — or to reach and redefine.

In an age when power resides less in missiles or money than in ideas and intellect, any meaningful rise of Vietnam to take advantage of the new order will begin not with muscle power, but with heart/mind power – the freedom to think and the courage to create.

Trump’s five-day odyssey was but a moment. Yet history often turns on such moments — quietly, but profoundly.