A few days ago, I listened to President Trump’s speech to the American people.  I thought he was trying too hard to make a sale.

I then reflected, but only very briefly, on the Caux Round table’s advocacy of “discourse” as a fundamental moral parameter for good public governance.  With Trump’s speech in mind, I wondered if we need to add to our recommendation more definition.  Just what is moral discourse?

As a child, I heard the common American saying, “There’s a sucker born every minute” or “There’s one born every minute.”  In junior high school, I think, I first read Mark Twain’s allegorical novel about Americans – Adventures of Huckleberry Finn.  I took it as a call to be self-reliant and curious, but also as a warning to always be on your guard.

The novel has Huck Finn and his friend, Jim, run into two traveling salesmen, who it quickly becomes clear are con men profiting from duping the kind and the decent – but gullible – among us.

One presents himself and performs as the king of France, the pretender to the throne and his sidekick passes himself off as the duke of Bridgewater.  The king is persuasive, smooth-talking and opportunistic.  He sells The Royal Nonesuch (a fake theatrical performance which will come to town) and the Wilks inheritance, where he pretends to be an English heir selling a false claim to an estate.

Twain uses these satirical fictional characters to expose gullibility, greed and moral blindness on the part of naïve and well-intentioned, small-town and provincial Americans.

In real life, there was P.T. Barnum, who ran a traveling circus going from town to town making money by selling entertaining acts and the chance to see unusual animals.  He is remembered for advising: “Nobody ever lost a dollar by underestimating the taste of the American public” and “No one in this world…has ever lost money by underestimating the intelligence of the great masses of the plain people.”

In the December 19 edition of the Wall Street Journal, Joseph Eptsein published his assessment of Donald Trump as very much in this American tradition of traveling salesmen, who might be just con men.  Epstein’s take on Trump is that he is a slick salesman with big claims and few deliverables.

Here are excerpts from Epstein’s essay:

President Trump’s recent commercials for Trump wristwatches have caught my attention.  In one commercial, three watches are shown, one with a red face between the other two.  All three have the name Trump on them.  Mr. Trump wears the red-faced watch and urges us to buy one, which, along with putting money in his pocket, would show support for him and his movement.

I don’t know for certain if a president’s selling his own merchandise is unprecedented, but it strikes me as extraordinary.  A billionaire, he surely doesn’t need the money.  What I suspect he does need is the action.  A real estate man, builder though he has been, he is also a salesman.  My guess is that it’s through selling, closing the deal, that he gets his true kicks.

Mr. Trump seems to me a particular kind of salesman – the kind once known as a “borax man.” In the Chicago of my youth, a borax man was an especially slick salesman, aggressive and relentless, usually specializing in home-improvement products.  These improvements didn’t improve anywhere near so thoroughly as the borax man promised.  The term derives from the white crystalline powder used in cleaning, soldering, glass making and in pesticides, which in centuries past was sold as a cure-all.  Soon it came to mean tawdry and second-class goods. …

Mr. Trump has been called a fascist, an authoritarian, a dictator and more.  None of these terms has seemed to me anywhere near a good fit.  All are too elevated.  Mr. Trump, not the most learned of men, may never have even heard of some of these words before he was called them.  A borax man seems a finer, near-perfect fit.

As a borax man, Donald Trump is attempting to sell the greatest of all products: the promise to return America to its former greatness.  Like all borax men, he doesn’t really deliver the product.…

Like the good borax man that he is, Mr. Trump is always congratulating himself, telling Americans about all the good things he has done for them – with lots more on the way.  My father used to say that a salesman first has to sell himself.  Mr. Trump attempts to do this, hiring only cabinet members who will flatter him, over and over again telling us of all the wars he’s stopped, the economic growth he’s caused, the crime he’s prevented.  Boraxian.

I find it helpful to think of our president as a slick and aggressive salesman.  His modus operandi generally is better understood when he is so considered.  His claims are more easily examined and, often necessarily, refuted when understood as coming from a high-pressure salesman.  Doing so also clears away, at least for me, any remaining aspects of Trump derangement syndrome.  I intend to view him as the ultimate borax man for the remainder of his time in office and I invite you to do likewise.

Our Vietnamese correspondent has shared with me his generally optimistic report on the political environment which will shape decisions at the forthcoming Party Congress of the Vietnamese Communist Party.

I note with interest the discussion of traditional Vietnamese sensitivity to the signals we mere humans get from Heaven as to our fates as time and space cycle through the years.

The Vietnamese Communist Party Today Compared with Forty Years Ago: The 14th Party Congress and the 6th Party Congress — Parallels, Divergences, and Enduring Historical Undercurrents. 

Four decades after the Sixth Party Congress—an event widely regarded as having opened a historic door toward a more flexible economic order (Đổi Mới)—Vietnam once again confronts a life-defining political moment: a critical transition of power with far-reaching consequences.

Hoàng Trường

The Fourteenth Party Congress is approaching amid intensifying economic, political, and social pressures, a visible erosion of public trust, and increasingly complex factional maneuvering among highly placed officials.

The reappearance of familiar patterns in the operation of power has led many observers to pose an unsettling question: is history repeating itself—once again moving through familiar cycles of power?

A comparison between the 14th Party Congress (2026) and the 6th Party Congress (1986) reveals notable similarities, while also exposing fundamental differences that reflect both the changing times and the evolving structure and operation of totalitarian power.

I. Parallels: When Power Becomes Trapped in Bargaining

1. Deadlock and infighting among the most prominent cadres and officials

In the lead-up to the Sixth Party Congress, Lê Đức Thọ—despite advanced age and declining health—was unwilling to step aside. Phạm Văn Đồng and Trường Chinh were forced into compromise in order to prevent factional conflict from spiraling out of control. A transitional arrangement was devised: Trường Chinh would preside over the Congress, then hand over leadership to Nguyễn Văn Linh—a new figure representing the emerging reformist tendency.

Ahead of the Fourteenth Congress, a similar pattern of “forced compromise” has once again emerged. Central Committee meetings have been postponed repeatedly (three times), and personnel lists revised again and again—clear indications that no faction has yet secured overwhelming dominance.

The crucial parallel lies here: while the overall strategic direction is widely acknowledged, personnel arrangements have become the central bottleneck.

In 1986, despite fierce debate, senior leaders recognized that the centrally planned economic model had reached its limits. Likewise, by 2026, a growing consensus has formed that growth driven by land rents, privileges, and easy capital has exhausted its momentum.

The Politburo has issued Resolution 68, effectively mandating a shift in development priorities toward the private sector. Yet disagreements over who should lead this transformation have prolonged internal division for more than a year.

2. A shared denominator: erosion of social trust

From 1975 to 1986, the subsidy-based economic model plunged everyday life into severe deprivation. Public confidence deteriorated rapidly.

Today, although surface-level material conditions have changed dramatically, the psychological parallels are unmistakable:

• Businesses are exhausted by overlapping inspections and audits;
• The business environment is obstructed by fear of making mistakes and by interference from enforcement agencies lacking accountability;
• Confidence in the future is declining as opportunities are squeezed by rent-seeking power groups intent on expanding their privileges.

As in 1986, society is fatigued, and expectations for a decisive change are once again on the rise.

II. Divergences: Reversed Regional Roles and a Transformed Power Structure

1. Southern dynamism: from reform driver to controlled subordinate

At the Sixth Party Congress, southern Vietnam was the most powerful engine of reform. The collapse of the slogan “rapid, strong, and steady advance toward socialism” had pushed the country to the brink of hunger—symbolized by nationwide dependence on sorghum imported from the Soviet Union.

Saigon and the southern region—drawing on market experience and economic dynamism—were the first to recover. “Fence-breaking” reforms in pricing, wages, production contracts, and enterprise autonomy laid the practical foundations for Đổi Mới. It was no coincidence that leaders with southern origins later played key roles during the early reform period.

Today, the regional balance of power has shifted. Northern leadership—having absorbed lessons from the post-1986 period, when the South enjoyed substantial autonomy—has narrowed the South’s room for maneuver, especially following the Nguyễn Tấn Dũng era and its controversial state-conglomerate model described as “steel fists.”

If 1986 marked northern concession to southern pragmatism, 2026 reflects a reassertion of centralized northern control.

2. Hunger and aspiration: different forms, the same political dynamic

In 1986, hunger was literal. In 2026, society “hungers” for the rule of law, while businesses hunger for economic freedom and thirst for a transparent, healthy legal environment.

Where past deprivation stemmed from a flawed economic model, today’s exhaustion arises from relentless inspections, administrative coercion by the security apparatus, and weak accountability among political leaders. New and troubling features have emerged: investigative and executive power now forms a wall that blocks capital, innovation, and production at the very moment they begin to take shape.

3. The rise of a socio-spiritual dimension

A defining feature of the current period is the strong resonance of traditional socio-spiritual sentiment: repeated natural disasters, relentless flooding, and as many as fifteen major storms have nurtured a collective sense that “heaven’s will” is turning against the system.

In East Asian political psychology, such phenomena are often interpreted as signs of dynastic or national transition. If reform-oriented forces knew how to channel this instinctive sentiment, it could become a strategic advantage.

In 1986, this psychological-political dimension was largely absent. In 2026, it has emerged as a powerful undercurrent shaping public emotion and expectation.

III. A Changed World: Globalization and the Limits of Absolute Control

1. Vietnam in 2026 is no longer Vietnam in 1986

• The private sector has become the backbone of economic growth;
• Vietnam occupies a key position in global electronics and semiconductor supply chains;
• Interwoven relations with the United States, the European Union, Japan, and China mean that senior leadership decisions now carry major geopolitical implications.

Under such conditions, a top-down model of total control is clearly ill-suited to an economy and society that demand speed, creativity, and adaptability.

2. Concentrated power—facing harsh limits

The current power structure rests primarily on:

• The expanding influence of the security apparatus;
• Strong totalitarian coercion—rule by police power rather than by the rule of law;
• Governance through repression and sophisticated extraction rather than trust-building;
• Preferential treatment for loyalist networks and obedience over institutional reform.

Meanwhile, businesses—the main drivers of growth—are increasingly constrained by legal uncertainty and intrusive security oversight.

3. “Political flooding” as a metaphor of the age

The persistence of coercive governance despite repeated natural disasters reveals a deeply troubling separation between the state and society.

At the Sixth Party Congress, economic and social crisis forced leadership change. Ahead of the Fourteenth Congress, although society is no less exhausted or gridlocked, the power structure appears more rigid and increasingly entrenched in both status and authority.

This contrast reflects a core trait of modern totalitarian systems: the survival of the system is prioritized above economic performance, social responsibility, or moral values.

Conclusion: Parallels as Reflection, Divergences as Warning

The Sixth Party Congress was a historic turning point that liberated national energy from the constraints of a failed economic model. The Fourteenth Congress could generate a similar breakthrough—or it may simply perpetuate a cycle of power consolidation if not accompanied by meaningful institutional reform.

The parallels lie in social fatigue, resolving deadlocks among the most senior cadres and officials,, and pressures for change from below.

The divergences lie in a more rigid power structure, a stronger private sector, and Vietnam’s far deeper integration into the global system.

And this time, whether acknowledged or not, socio-spiritual forces are also present as an invisible factor shaping collective sentiment.

History never repeats itself exactly. Yet patterns of power distribution, crisis dynamics, and signals from society’s foundations inevitably return—albeit in altered forms.

The Fourteenth Party Congress, therefore, is not merely about personnel appointments. It is a test of Vietnam’s entire philosophy of governance: whether its one-party system can adapt to a new stage of development, or whether it will continue to close itself off from warnings issued by society, markets—and even by nature itself.

The misuse of taxpayer’s money, a form of theft, by many in the Somali community and others who masterminded fraudulent diversions of public funds, is a Minnesota governance scandal and abuse of private power.  Guilt belongs on those who wrongfully diverted the public monies and those in government who stood by in silence and apathy while the theft continued.

A moral question has been raised, asking if it is uncalled for racism or malign bias, based on nationality or religion, to ask that culpable immigrants be called to public account for their actions?

If those asked to account for their behavior in the misuse of public funds are Somali Muslims, the answer is clear: such theft violated Qur’anic standards for righteous conduct on the part of faithful Muslims.

First, let’s consider the Qur’anic prohibition of “corruption.”

“Do not consume one another’s wealth unjustly, nor use it to bribe authorities to sinfully consume part of others’ wealth.” (2:188)

“O you who have believed, be persistently standing firm in justice, witnesses for Allah.” (4:135)

“Allah does not love those who spread corruption (2:205) and promises severe retribution for the unjust.” (2:279)

“Who break the covenant of Allah after contracting it and sever that which Allah has ordered to be joined and cause corruption on earth.  It is those who are the losers.” (2:27)

“O you who have believed, do not consume one another’s wealth unjustly, but only [in lawful] business by mutual consent.” (4:29)

“Give just measure and defraud none … do not cheat your fellow men of what is rightly theirs; nor shall you corrupt the land with evil.” (26:183)

In the Qur’an, the word usually translated as “corruption” is fasād, which comes from a root word meaning to spoil, ruin, decay, become disordered, go bad or act wickedly.  Depending on context, fasād can refer to: moral corruption – wrongdoing, injustice, oppression, spreading vice; social and political disorder – destabilizing society, rebellion, civil strife, breaking public order. Environmental destruction – harming the earth, wasting resources, causing ecological imbalance; economic injustice – cheating, fraud, usury, exploitation.

Thus, in the Qur’an, “corruption” (fasād) is a comprehensive term meaning: any act that damages moral integrity, social harmony, justice or the natural world.  Those who commit fasād, no matter their race, ethnicity or gender, are culpable of wrongdoing and may be justifiably called out in public to account for their transgressions.  If they are Muslim, their claim that others owe them acquiescence with regard to their wrongdoing is absurd.

The Qur’anic standard of rectitude derives from Abrahamic religious values.  Thus, the Ten Commandments demand that “thou shall not steal.”  Jesus said: “You know the commandments: You shall not murder; you shall not commit adultery; you shall not steal…” (Mark 10:19 (cf. Matthew 19:18)  “Take care!  Be on your guard against all kinds of greed; for one’s life does not consist in the abundance of possessions.” (Luke 12:15)  “For it is from within, from the human heart, that evil intentions come: theft, murder, adultery…” (Mark 7:21–23)

Secular American law has always criminalized theft.

Thus, Qur’anic guidance for Somali Muslim immigrants to America largely tracks American standards of virtue, making it quite easy for Somali immigrants to assimilate to traditional American standards of justice and fairplay, even though those standards were originally more Christian and secular than Islamic.

In addition, Qur’an records that Allah created all human persons – men and women equally – to be his stewards in creation – khalifa.  Thus, from a Muslim standpoint, every person born has fiduciary responsibilities to do right in benefiting God’s creation, just as God has instructed.

Those who steal, commit fraud and/or pervert the laws and the course of justice are not stewards, but rather self-seeking abusers of their God-given powers and talents.

For me, it is the solemn responsibility of Somali imams to conscientiously instruct their community in the correct behaviors expected of khalifas, just as I expect rabbis, Catholic priests and Protestant pastors to instruct those of their respective religions in the teachings of the Ten Commandments and Jesus.

There is a worrisome quality about Donald Trump’s temperament which is drawing attention.  To me, his incivility is also driving his new, isolationist, beggar-thy-neighbor national security strategy, as I argue here.

The 14th Party Congress and the “Post-Karma” of To Lam

Nguyen Khac Mai – President, Institute for Vietnamese Wisdom Studies

I draw on the Buddhist concept of karma to reflect on the political path of To Lam. Everything he has done—through body, speech, and mind—during his years as Minister of Public Security and now as the country’s top leader, remains vivid in the memory of the public. These are his past karmas: actions that, in the eyes of many, continue certain “old corruptions” that Ho Chi Minh once warned about, yet also contain elements that disrupt stagnation and generate momentum for reform. Whether these past karmas are virtuous or harmful will be judged by society and by history.

But the transformation of karma is not a solitary journey. One who wishes to transform must repent, must cultivate new and better karmas, and must accept supporting conditions—that is, criticism, oversight, and assistance from society. Without this, goodwill can easily turn into illusion.

I. Post-Karma: The Vision of a “Rising Era” and Five Strategic Pillars

To Lam’s post-karma began when he assumed the position of General Secretary, preparing for the 14th Party Congress and shaping the decisions that followed. His proposed vision—the “Rising Era”—aims for a more civilized, humane, service-oriented, and developmental Party and State. He set forth five strategic pillars:

1. Reforming the Party: shifting from a mindset of power to a spirit of public service; the Party must be the servant of the people, not their ruler.
2. Advancing culture, science, education, and technology: regarding these as new national capabilities—AI, digitalization, and scientific research—to elevate Vietnam’s competitiveness.
3. Administrative reform: building a three-tiered government structure guided by performance-based governance and a citizen-centered, developmental state.
4. Developing the private economy and civil society: creating new engines of national growth while addressing historical debts by legitimizing, respecting, and fostering civil society.
5. Multilateral international integration: a “bamboo diplomacy” that is flexible yet principled, transforming external resources into domestic strength.

These ideas, at the conceptual level, are modern and progressive. Yet the gap between vision and implementation is always perilous: if carried out under concentrated power, opaque processes, or insufficient consultation, the post-karma may quickly distort.

II. One Year In: Recognizing Early Deviations

For post-karma to become good karma, we must confront the missteps that have emerged during To Lam’s initial period in office.

1. Localism and concentrated appointments

The accelerated appointment of officials from a single province (Hung Yen) and from the security sector to many key positions has raised concerns about regional imbalance and a closing of political space. A sustainable political system requires diversity of origin and professional background; excessive concentration risks creating the image of a closed circle of power.

2. Personalism in symbols and public projects

Proposals to name streets after family members, or to pursue sector-branded megaprojects—such as a Public Security theater, stadium, or even airport—evoke a tendency toward personalization and “sectoral branding” of state authority. In a period that demands austerity, prioritization, and public benefit, such symbols can misallocate resources and alienate public sentiment.

3. Major national decisions driven by voluntarism

Gigantic initiatives—the North–South high-speed railway, the nuclear program in Binh Thuan, or the merger of provinces—cannot be approached with haste or unilateral decision-making. These trillion-dollar, multi-generational projects require independent research, broad consultation, and rigorous socio-environmental impact assessments. A country cannot “run while lining up” on matters of its future.

These deviations are not cosmetic; they reveal a paradox: although renewal is proclaimed, the methods of implementation risk replicating old power patterns. Without timely correction, the post-karma cannot achieve long-term legitimacy.

III. Four Social Imperatives for Turning Post-Karma into Good Karma

Vietnam must not miss a historical window of opportunity. Society must act as a constructive partner setting realistic guardrails.

1. Reviving and strengthening civil society as a monitoring partner

Civil society is not an adversary of the Party but a vital mechanism of oversight and policy improvement. Vietnam must legally recognize civil society organizations and empower the press—within lawful frameworks—to monitor public affairs.

2. A citizenry aware of its opportunity and responsibility

This is a rare “window of opportunity.” Citizens must raise awareness: expressing opinions, monitoring major projects, demanding transparency. Consensus does not mean passive silence; it means active participation.

3. Independent expert consultation for all strategic projects

All megaprojects should be reviewed by independent scientific councils that publish environmental, social, and fiscal impact assessments. This prevents voluntarism and ensures the sustainability of national decisions.

4. Building a new political culture: integrity and accountability

Vietnam needs programs on public-service ethics, transparent appointment processes, assets disclosure, and mechanisms for conflict-of-interest management. A new political culture is essential to prevent distortion of reforms.

IV. Traditional Wisdom as the Foundation for Modern Reform

Figures such as To Hien Thanh and Ngo Thi Si, along with the Nho–Buddhist tradition of East Asia, left behind profound lessons in political ethics: appoint the upright, lead through moral example, and persuade before punishing. Einstein reminds us that no problem can be solved with the same mindset that created it, and Engels urges socialists to learn from the advanced nations. These teachings suggest that post-karma must synthesize ancient Vietnamese wisdom with modern scientific governance.

V. Practical Steps Toward Realizing a Meaningful Post-Karma

• Conduct a comprehensive review of appointments through an independent oversight committee.
• Establish a National Scientific Council for all strategic megaprojects, with mandatory public reports.
• Codify public consultation in planning processes to ensure citizens have a voice from the outset.
• Develop civil society and professionalized journalism—within a legal framework—as channels of public oversight.
• Enforce asset transparency, conflict-of-interest regulations, and integrity norms throughout the public sector.

Conclusion

Past karma explains the path to power; post-karma determines whether that power serves the nation. To Lam’s post-karma can become good karma only if grounded in transparency, consultation, integrity, and societal partnership. Without these, goodwill may be swallowed by old patterns of authority.

The nation’s fate is like tangled vines, the ancients said: to untangle it requires wisdom, goodwill, and—above all—the participation of the people. A worthy post-karma is a promise to the nation: a Party and a State that serve, and a society capable of rising with its own strength.

Ну, погоди! — Just wait and see.

In concordance with the World Bank’s “World Development Report 2015: Mind, Society and Behavior” on the foundation for economic wealth creation lying in social and human capitals, the Caux Round Table has been advocating a wholistic approach to enhancement of global standards of living – start with human and social capitals – living out values and ethics, if you will – in order to build financial and economic capitals – property derived from the wise use of life and liberty.

The U.S., in recent decades, may have turned off the road leading to future social and economic happiness by not developing human and social capitals for its citizens and its economy.

Former Senator Ben Sasse made this damning assessment of public education, at least in California, in the Wall Street Journal.

I read these comments with alarm:

The number of freshmen entering the University of California San Diego (USCD) whose math skills fall below a high-school level has increased nearly 30-fold over the past five years, according to a shocking new report from the university’s Senate-Administration Working Group on Admissions.  Worse still, one in 12 entering freshmen have math skills below middle-school levels.  That means college students might struggle with questions such as this: “7+2=6+__?”  Or this: “Sarah had nine pennies and nine dimes. How many coins did she have in all?”

But it gets worse: The students admitted to UCSD were, on average, receiving “A” grades in high school math classes that supposedly built multiple years beyond algebraic and arithmetic foundations.  This was a fraud.  High schools have clearly been inflating grades beyond what many students earned or deserved.  How could schools do such a disservice to taxpayers and more important, to these students?

What now is to be done?

This past weekend, Pope Leo XIV visited Lebanon.  His remarks, to me, captured the grace of concern for others with which the Prophet Muhammad framed his covenants to respect and protect Christians and Jews.  I, myself, perceive a resonance between the Pope’s vision for humanity and of inter-religious dialogue and cooperation and the texts of those historic Islamic covenants, promises given in the name of Allah.

The Caux Round Table, for five years now, has done its best to study carefully, with leadership from our Muslim colleagues, the historicity of the Prophet’s covenants and to then bring the best scholarship on the covenants to wider audiences, especially in Lebanon and in the Vatican.

I quote for you here the relevant thoughts of Pope Leo:

It is in light of this authority that I wish to address to you the words of Jesus that have been chosen as the central theme of my journey: “Blessed are the peacemakers!” (Mt 5:9). …

Finally, I would like to outline a third characteristic of those who strive for peace.  Even when it requires sacrifice, peacemakers dare to persevere.

In remarks to a gathering of religious leaders of many faiths, Pope Leo said:

In his Post-Synodal Apostolic Exhortation Ecclesia in Medio Oriente, signed here in Beirut in 2012, Pope Benedict XVI emphasized that “[t]he Church’s universal nature and vocation require that she engage in dialogue with the members of other religions.  In the Middle East, this dialogue is based on the spiritual and historical bonds uniting Christians to Jews and Muslims. It is a dialogue which is not primarily dictated by pragmatic, political or social considerations, but by underlying theological concerns which have to do with faith” (n. 19).  Dear friends, your presence here today, in this remarkable place where minarets and church bell towers stand side by side, yet both reach skyward, testifies to the enduring faith of this land and the steadfast devotion of its people to the one God.  Here in this beloved land, may every bell toll, every adhān, every call to prayer blend into a single, soaring hymn – not only to glorify the merciful Creator of heaven and earth, but also to lift a heartfelt prayer for the divine gift of peace. …

Yet, in the midst of these struggles, a sense of hopefulness and encouragement can be found when we focus on what unites us: our common humanity and our belief in a God of love and mercy.  In an age when coexistence can seem like a distant dream, the people of Lebanon, while embracing different religions, stand as a powerful reminder that fear, distrust and prejudice do not have the final word and that unity, reconciliation and peace are possible.  It is a mission that remains unchanged throughout the history of this beloved land: to bear witness to the enduring truth that Christians, Muslims, Druze and countless others can live together and build a country united by respect and dialogue.

May we all be peacemakers.

Here is another thought experiment about what we can expect from our times as stimulated by Hexagram 53 in the Yijing (Book of Changes).